As leaders gather at the NATO Summit (June 24–26, 2025), one fact stands out: Russia is escalating its war against Ukraine with impunity, and the West has yet to mount a response that matches the scale of the threat. A ceasefire ultimatum was met with Kremlin defiance — and Western silence. Massive sanctions did not follow. Promised air defences arrive slowly, if at all.
This is no longer sustainable. This statement — signed by parliamentarians, officials, experts, and citizens from across the democratic world — calls for action that matches our values, our words, and our power.
Hollow Ultimatums, No Follow-Through
A 30-day unconditional ceasefire was proposed by Ukraine and key Western leaders. Russia refused, continuing its assault without pause. The promised response — joint, massive sanctions — never came. As a result, Western credibility is eroding. When we threaten and do nothing, we do not look reasonable — we look weak.
This failure to follow through emboldens Moscow and demoralises not only Ukraine but all those who still believe in a rules-based international order. Words must mean something. Or they mean nothing.
Weak Sanctions and Half-Hearted Enforcement
After 17 rounds of EU sanctions, loopholes remain wide open. Russia’s shadow oil fleet sails undisturbed. Strategic sectors are barely touched. Enforcement is inconsistent. And yet the EU and G7 represent over half the world’s GDP. There is no excuse for the hesitancy, and certainly none for the complacency.
Sanctions only work when they are comprehensive, enforced, and sustained. Lawmakers across Europe have urged tougher action (for example, targeting the entire shadow fleet and Russian banking), recognizing that Putin responds to pressure, not persuasion. We join that call, urging our transatlantic partners to do the same without delay.
Air Terror and the Lack of Air Defences
Since May 12 — the date the ceasefire was proposed — Ukraine has endured over 21,000 aerial attacks: 4,000 Shahed drones, 10,000 bombs, hundreds of missiles. On June 1 alone, Russia launched 472 drones — the largest swarm to date. Over three days in May, 600 drones and dozens of missiles hit more than 30 cities.
This is systematic terror — targeting civilians, critical infrastructure, and power grids — designed to terrorize the Ukrainian population into submission. And it continues largely because Ukraine still lacks sufficient air defences.
Yes, allies have supplied some modern systems, and we acknowledge those contributions. But far too few, and far too slowly. Ukraine’s pleas for more air defense – more Patriot and SAMP/T batteries, more interceptor missiles, more modern fighter jets – have not been met at the required scale or speed. Many EU nations possess these systems, yet dithered, citing their own needs. This is unacceptable.
Each day without adequate air defences makes the West complicit in the human toll.
Ukraine’s Progress Toward EU Membership
Ukraine has earned its place at the EU table. Despite the war, it has pursued — working on strengthening institutions, aligning laws with EU standards, and engaging civil society. Ukraine’s democratic reforms — from justice and anti-corruption to economic transformation — continue, and they reflect a commitment to the values Ukraine is fighting for.
The European Commission has recognized this progress, and by late 2024, EU leaders agreed to open negotiations. Ukraine completed the screening process in most clusters and is ready to move forward.
Yet, Hungary’s ongoing veto has prevented the formal opening of EU negotiation chapters (clusters) with Ukraine. This is a shameful obstruction of Ukraine’s European destiny. We call on all EU leaders to find a way forward immediately: open negotiation clusters with Ukraine now, especially in areas where there is consensus, and Ukraine has met the criteria. The sole obstacle to Ukraine’s EU talks is political inertia in the EU itself – it’s time to remove that obstacle.
In turn, we urge Ukraine to stay this course — to protect media freedom, engage all political parties and representatives in the processes, protect and strengthen civil society, and advance transparency.
Ukraine and NATO: A Strategic Reality
Ukraine must not be sidelined. Sixteen years after NATO’s promise that Ukraine “will become a member,” the time has come to make that path real. We welcome the strong backing from parliaments across Europe — from the Baltic States to Germany and Poland — calling for a clear roadmap and rejecting vague reassurances.
This is not about immediate membership, but about credibility. NATO should lay out transparent, phased steps toward accession and make clear that temporary guarantees are not a substitute for full membership. Ukraine’s integration into NATO will strengthen our collective security.
The West Must Match Its Words with Action
It is no longer enough to boast about unity or economic strength. Ukraine is paying the price for Western hesitation — receiving just enough support to hold the line, but not enough to win. Analysts have warned, rightly, that this slow-drip approach has prolonged the war, emboldened Russia, and cost countless lives.
The West has overwhelming advantages — economic, military, strategic. But it has lacked the political will to fully use them. That must change. Sanction Russia with real force. Seize the Russian Central Bank assets. Deliver the weapons and air defense systems Ukraine needs. End the delays in its EU and NATO integration. And leave no doubt: we stand with Ukraine not only in word, but in action.
This war will define our era. Let us be judged not by how much we said — but by what we did when it mattered most.
Signatories:
| Heikki Autto, Chair of Defence Committee, Finland | Petras Auštrevičius, Member of the European Parliament, Lithuania |
| Dan Barna, Member of the European Parliament, Romania | Pawel Bartoszek, Chair of Foreign Affairs Committee, Iceland |
| Margareta Cederfeld, former President OSCE PA, Chair Swedish Delegation to IPU, Moderate Party, Sweden | Helmut Brandstätter, Member of the European Parliament, Austria |
| Ina Coseru, Chair of Foreign and EU Affairs Committee, Moldova | Edmunds Cepurītis, Chair of European Affairs Committee, Latvia |
| Veit Dengler, Member of the Parliament, Austria | Mark Demesmaeker, former MEP, Deputy Mayor of Halle, Honorary Senator, Belgium |
| Michael Gahler, Member of the European Parliament, Germany | Jan Farský, Member of the European Parliament, Czechia |
| Ariana Gic, Director of Direct Initiative International Centre for Ukraine, Canada | Carl Gershman, Founding President, the National Endowment for Democracy, the United States |
| Bart Groothuis, Member of the European Parliament, the Netherlands | Mykhailo Gonchar, President of the Centre Strategy XXI, Chief Editor of the Black Sea Security Journal, Ukraine |
| Dr. Olena Halushka, International Centre for Ukrainian Victory, Anti-Corruption Action Centre., Ukraine | Domagoj Hajduković, former Chair of European Affairs Committee, Croatia |
| Ben Hodges, LTG, US Army, Retired, Former Commander US Army Europe, the United States | Pablo Hispan, Member of the Congress of Deputies, Chair of EPP Group at the Council of Europe, Spain |
| Mykola Hryckowian, Center for US-Ukrainian Relations (CUSUR), Ukraine | Hanna Hopko, former Chair of Foreign Affairs Committee, Co-founder of the International Center for Ukrainian Victory, ANTS Network, Ukraine |
| Rasa Juknevičienė, Member of the European Parliament, former Minister of Defense, Lithuania | Ivars Ijabs, Member of the European Parliament, Latvia |
| Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze, Chair of the Committee on Ukraine’s Integration into the EU, Ukraine | Laurynas Kasčiūnas, Deputy Chair of National Security and Defence Committee, Lithuania |
| Marcus Kolga, Canada Chairman of the Central and Eastern European Council, Canada | Michal Kobosko, Member of the European Parliament, former Chair of the EU Committee of the Polish Sejm, Poland |
| Jukka Kopra, Member of the Parliament, Finland | Ondřej Kolář, Member of the European Parliament, Czechia |
| Ondřej Krutílek, Member of the European Parliament, Czechia | Viola von Cramon-Taubadel, former Member of the European Parliament, Germany |
| Reinier van Lanschot, Member of the European Parliament, the Netherlands | Merja Kyllönen, Member of the European Parliament, Finland |
| Edward Lucas, Senior Fellow and Senior Advisor at the Center for European Policy Analysis, the United Kingdom | Daniel Lorer, Member of Foreign Affairs Committee, Bulgaria |
| Liudas Mažylis, Member of the European Parliament, Lithuania | Kerstin Lungren, Third Deputy Speaker of the Riksdag, Sweden |
| Marko Mihkelson, Chair of Foreign Affairs Committee, Estonia | Oleksander Merezhko, Chair of Foreign Affairs Committee, Ukraine |
| Olexander Motsyk, former Ambassador to the US, Poland, Turkey, Professor, Ukraine | Antonio Miloshoski, Deputy Speaker of the Parliament, North Macedonia |
| Sara Nanni, Member of the Parliament, Germany | Ināra Mūrniece, Chair of Foreign Affairs Committee, Latvia |
| Volodymyr Ohryzko, former Minister for Foreign Affairs (2007-2009), Ukraine | Dominik Oberhofer, Member of the Parliament, Austria |
| Karoliina Partanen, Member of the Parliament, Finland | Urmas Paet, Vice-Chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Member of the European Parliament, Estonia |
| Frederic Petit, Deputy Chair of European Affairs Committee, France | Žygimantas Pavilionis, Deputy Chair of Foreign Affairs Committee, Lithuania |
| Reinis Pozņaks, Member of the European Parliament, Latvia | Maria Popova, Associate Professor of Political Science, McGill University, Canada |
| Michael Roth, former Chair of Foreign Affairs Committee, Germany | Lia Quartapelle, Deputy Chair of Foreign Affairs Committee, Italy |
| Paulius Saudargas, Member of the European Parliament, Lithuania | Dr. Aura Sabadus, Journalist, Associate Fellow of RUSI, Non-Resident Fellow with the Democratic Resilience Program at CEPA, the United Kingdom |
| Saara-Sofia Sirén, Member of the Parliament, Finland | Virginijus Sinkevičius, Vice-Chair of the Committee on Transport and Tourism, Member of the European Parliament, Lithuania |
| Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann, Chair of the Committee on Security and Defence, Member of the European Parliament, Germany | Roman Sohn, Chairman of the Direct Initiative Centre for Ukraine, the Netherlands |
| Peeter Tali, Chair of the European Union Affairs Committee, Estonia | Villy Søvndal, Member of the European Parliament, Denmark |
| Rt Hon Tom Tugendhat, Member of the Parliament, the United Kingdom | Riho Terrass, Vice-Chair of the Committee on Security and Defence, Member of the European Parliament, Estonia |
| Aurelijus Veryga, Member of the European Parliament, Lithuania | Sebastian Tynkkynen, Member of the European Parliament, Finland |
| Veronika Vrecionová, Chair of the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development, Member of the European Parliament, Czechia | Juris Viļums, Secretary of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Latvia |
| Borys Wrzesnewskyj, Member of Parliament (2004-2019), Chair of Canadian NATO Parliamentary Association, Canada | Ivan Vukovic, Chairman of the European Integration Committee, Montenegro |
| Oksana Yurynets, Professor of Lviv Polytechnic National University, Member of Ukraine of 8th Chair of the Ukrainian delegation of the NATO PA (2018-2019), Ukraine | Lucia Yar, Vice-Chair of the Committee on Budgets, Member of the European Parliament, Slovakia |
| Josef Zissels, Co-President, Association of Jewish Organisations and Communities of Ukraine | Tomáš Zdechovský, Member of the European Parliament, Czechia |
| Dainius Žalimas, Member of the European Parliament, former President of Lithuanian Constitution Court, Lithuania | Roberts Zīle, Vice-President of the European Parliament, Latvia |